Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory. Tactics without strategy is the noise before defeat. Sun Tzu
In politics, there are always two games being played: the little game and the big game. The little game consists in petty battles over marginal issues that nevertheless seem to be of critical importance: healthcare, taxation, trade, “gay” rights, etc. To be sure, these issues have their vocal constituencies, and they provide a perfect opportunity for the media to frame a micro-narrative. They give voters an outlet for their passions, a sense of purpose, and even a basis for their moral identity. “I am a good person because I am pro-life/pro-universal healthcare/in favor of gay rights/etc., etc.” The passions they arouse transform electoral democracy into a grand moral contest, which is of course the favorite pastime of white people. We love nothing more than gladiatorial combat waged over abstract values and ethical systems. But gladiatorial combat is, by definition, purposeless. A distraction for the masses. The only way to win the small game is not to play it.
The big game is different. For one thing, it is seldom discussed openly. Rather, it is played as a kind of occult psychodrama, at the level of language, theology, and cultural infrastructure. Michael Hoffman in his work “Secret Societies and Psychological Warfare” provides one of the better analyses of how the big game works. The antagonists in the big game use the “moral warriors” in the small game as unwitting proxies, manipulating outcomes in order to establish a governing meta-narrative. The meta-narrative creates and transforms our perception of reality. In essence, this narrative is the game. Who controls it wins. Who does not, is crushed by it.
Consider the meta-narrative of Western Civilization since the so-called Enlightenment. It can be described in a single word: “Progress.” In the name of “progress,” we have endured countless revolutions, squandered the religious patrimony of millennia, conquered the world and then surrendered the world. For the Right, the great catastrophe of the Enlightenment was that our long-prevailing cultural myth—the myth of decline—was replaced with this myth of progress. We have lost every battle of cultural significance since. Worse, in failing to honor our history, we have surrendered it to our enemies.
We are approaching the end-stages of the big game: the eradication of white identity and Western civilization via racial suicide. The Left senses the nearness and near-inevitability of its final victory. It also senses danger, the first real danger it has faced in generations. This is why it is accelerating its program in Europe and the United States.
The danger it senses begins and ends with Donald Trump, now the head of the most powerful nation on Earth. He was literally memed into the presidency by the alt Right, which showed genuine tactical genius in the 2016 election cycle. That tactical genius was rooted in two things: 1) a superior understanding of social media, and 2) a perfectly timed appeal to the unspoken fears of embattled white Americans. Even so, it would likely have fallen short were it not for the fact that the Left, in its arrogance, put forward a supremely odious human being as its champion: Hillary Clinton. Trump’s win was therefore a kind of eucatastrophe, which is really the only way the Right has won anything since the Enlightenment.
But if Trump’s victory is to be anything other than an anomaly and a temporary reprieve before our final defeat, the alt Right is going to have to change its focus from the level of tactics to the level of strategy, which is to say from the level of the little game to the level of the big game. We are going to have to think about not just how to humiliate our enemies and pick up a few more disaffected millennials on social media but on how to change the meta-narrative itself. This must happen both in terms of international relations—where we must pivot (at least temporarily) AWAY from Europe and towards Russia—and in domestic affairs. The scope of this article is limited to the domestic front.
Already, there are some potentially troubling signs that Trump is being dragged into the little game. The current set-to over “Ryancare,” for example. And the daily trench warfare with the press. Personally, I am inclined to believe that Trump (and moreso Bannon) are aware of this danger and are simply turning our enemy’s small-game tactics back on them. If we can keep THEM distracted with marginalities like healthcare reform and “muh freedom of the press,” it frees up resources for fighting the larger war. Time will tell.
The Real Nuclear Option
As of last week, 9 legislatures have passed legislation authorizing a Convention of the States. 26 more are needed. A Convention of the States would permit state legislatures to amend the constitution without recourse to Congress or the Supreme Court. Republicans are currently one legislature short of this threshold.
To be sure, there is real danger in a convention of the states. As a traditional Roman Catholic, I need only reflect on the catastrophe of the Second Vatican Council to be reminded of how badly “conciliar reform” can go awry. The chief dangers are that it will be subverted by the Left (as in the case of Vatican II) and that it will be misused by boomer Cuckservatives to cement petty victories in their “small game” skirmishes. Of the two, I am far more worried about the latter. Left to their own devices, Tea Party Republicans will use a Convention of the States merely as a vehicle to enact term limits, a balanced budget amendment, and national concealed carry, the equivalent of using a tactical nuke when a drone strike would suffice.
The Alt Right needs to infiltrate and direct the Convention movement at the state level. This is not an easy task, but it is doable. If anything, state legislators tend to be more sympathetic to our objectives than our national representatives.
What should our strategic objectives be? I propose the following:
1) Enact a dramatic expansion of free speech. White men are a kind of chained Colossus. We have great numbers and great latent power (both political and economic), but we are also the most fearful voting bloc in the United States. We depend on our corporate salaries and “social standing” within our communities. We take our responsibilities to our families seriously. We don’t want to risk being de-platformed from Twitter or Facebook, let alone fired from our jobs for “racism.”
By enacting a revision to the first amendment, we can unchain Colossus. Give political speech the same protected status as “race, gender, and sexual orientation.’ Make it impossible for corporations to fire employees for what they say on social media. Empower the Civil Rights division of the Justice Department to go after violators. Create a cottage industry of lawyers who will fight these cases for the possibility of major contingency fees. In essence, replicate what the left has done for their protected classes.
Extend this same protection to university students and employees. Provide an exemption to religious organizations and political advocacy groups.
Impose the same requirements on social media organizations. Fine violators out of business. Do all of this under the banner of “free speech for the 21st century.’ Our founders did the best they could, but they did not conceive of a world dominated by profit-seeking corporations that exercise de facto control over the commons.
2) Create a pathway for peaceful secession. Nothing would enhance our prospects more than #Calexit. It would instantly alter the demographics of the remaining United States and ensure a perpetual Republican voting majority.
The Trump administration should use the next 4 years to make California feel like “occupied territory.” ICE agents should be on the streets, in schools, at the polls, and on job sites. California companies that harbor illegals should be targeted by the justice department and the IRS. Hit them where it hurts: in the pocketbook. Back them as far into a corner as possible…and then give them an out.
Any such exit will be negotiated, and we will hold the superior hand. If we want to retain the State of Jefferson, we can do that. Our goal should be to ensure that an independent California is utterly dependent on the US for its survival. In the long run, the California Republic will fail, and we can re-absorb it on our own terms.
Creating a peaceful pathway for secession will also serve as an insurance policy against our possible failure—we want Texas, Oklahoma, Kentucky, and other states to be able to form a new confederacy should the Left recapture the federal government.
3) Curb the judiciary. The judiciary has far exceeded the limits imposed on it by the founders. Activist judges willfully ignore the Constitution in order to impose a Leftist, Third-Worldist agenda on the United States. Empower Congress and the President to override them. Make it easier for voters to remove them. Remove the ability of the federal judiciary to impose TRO’s below the Supreme Court level. Increase the scope and authority of State Supreme Courts vis-a-vis the federal judiciary.
) Restrict the franchise. This is probably the most important thing we can accomplish at a Convention of the States. There are any number of ways to achieve our goals without resorting to an explicitly “racist” approach. We can raise the voting age to 30. We can require verification of employment. We can require multiple forms of ID. We can mandate drug-testing. The specific approach is almost irrelevant. The goal is to restore the concept of “citizenship,” which is essential to any functioning Republic.
Again, we should be strategic about it. For example, enlistment in the armed services would earn an exemption from any of the above restrictions.
5) Repeal the 17th Amendment With our control over state legislatures, this is a “no-brainer.’ The Senate was originally intended to be a curb on runaway democratic impulses. We can easily restore it to that original purpose—and ensure control over it for generations to come—by repealing the 17th Amendment that allowed for the direct election of Senators.
Trump’s victory has given us a unique opportunity, but we can only capitalize on that opportunity if we have the correct strategy in place. Otherwise, we will be drawn into the small game where true victory is impossible. To be sure, an embrace of the Convention of the States carries with it a high level of risk. But that risk pales in comparison with the certainty of total defeat should we fail to enact the kinds of structural reforms laid out above. This is a time for boldness, not caution. Let our boldness be directed towards achievable aims that will fundamentally alter the field of play.